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Towards an automatical analysis
of a translated text and its original:
The Persian epic of V¨s u R¦m¨n and the Georgian Visramiani
Jost Gippert
0. In the field of Oriental studies, computers have not yet been as widely accepted
as in other disciplines as a means of linguistic and literary analysis. In the present
paper1, I shall discuss the facilities the computer
offers when applied for the special purpose of comparing two texts that have an
internal relationship with each other in that one of them is a translation of the
other. As I intend to show, this relationship cannot be established "automatically"
by just entering the two texts; instead, it requires a lot of additional information
that can only be handled manually.
1. The romance of V¨s and R¦m¨n as versified by the 11th century writer GurgÀnÒ
is regarded as one of the most important literary products of Persia. The text has
hitherto seen four scholarly editions, the first of which appeared in Calcutta 18652.
Only the latest of these editions which was prepared by Magali Todua
and Alexander Gwakharia from the Georgian Academy in Tbilisi3
has taken into account the fact that there
exists a Georgian version of the text dating back as early as the end of the 12th
century. This is the so called Visramiani which was introduced to the European
scholarly world through the English translation from 1914 by Oliver Wardrop4.
Of its four Georgian editions, only the one prepared by Alexander Gwakharia
and Magali Todua5 considers
the relationship between the Visramiani and its Persian model.
1.1. What then can a thorough comparison of the two texts aim at? In my view, such a
comparison can have at least six aims. The first one consists in establishing the
actual relationship between the two texts, viz. whether the Georgian text is indeed
a translation of the Persian original (as most scholars believe today) or whether
it is only a free adaptation (as has sometimes been claimed). The second aim lies
in establishing the wording
of the Persian text as present when it was translated into Georgian; it must have
been still very close to the original wording at that time because the Persian text
is believed to have been written only two centuries earlier (between 1040 and 1054).
This aim was kept in mind by Gwakharia / Todua when they prepared
their edition, and only by a new comparison can this edition be evaluated (and,
eventually, improved). The third aim would consist in establishing the original
wording of the Georgian version as one of the most important literary monuments
preserved in this language. This, too, may be done with respect to criticizing the
existing editions. As a fourth aim of a comparison, I think of analyzing the translation
method as used by the translator, esp. with respect to consistency in rendering
key words. As a fifth aim, I expect it to reveal the information the Persian original
offers as to the Old Georgian language, esp. with respect to words otherwise unknown
and to the etymology of words, and as the sixth and perhaps most important aim I
hope it to bring out new information as to the sound system of New Persian at the
time of the translation.
1.2. A short depiction of the phenomena involved may be necessary here to show why I
consider the effort of a comparison worth undertaking.
1.2.1. As was said before, most scholars nowadays believe that the Georgian Visramiani
is a close translation of GurgÀnÒ's VÒs u RÀmÒn epic although it is in prose, not
a metrical text like its Persian model. The close relationship becomes obvious just
by comparing the sequence of chapters and confronting their names as in the synoptical
table given as appendix 1 at the end of this paper: although the partitioning disagrees
to a certain extent and although some chapter titles have no equivalents, the plot
of the story is visibly maintained without changes6.
And within chapters it can easily be demonstrated as well that the translator intended
to
keep as close to the original as possible, just by arranging the Georgian text according
to the metrical units of the Persian; cp. the synoptical presentation of the beginning
of chapter 24 given as appendix 2 below. Maia Mamacaêvili who
devoted a whole monograph to the question of the relationship
between the Georgian and the Persian text7 came
to the same conclusion; she drew our attention to the fact that some of the manuscripts
preserving the Visramiani contain otherwise unknown punctuation marks which
coincide with bayt or half-bayt boundaries in the Persian text.
1.2.2. What information the Georgian text offers with respect to the original wording
of GurgÀnÒ's epic can be illustrated with some passages where Todua
/ Gwakharia's edition differs from MahÍób's. E.g., in
his chapter 40, MahÍób reads the following bayt (40, 37)8:
tu g©y§ ø¨r-i man rªb¦hÆ gaøt-ast
w-az-¨n saxt¨ rux-am تn k¦hÆ gaøt-ast
This is translated by Morr. (77-78) in the following way:
"It is as if the lion of my soul is become a fox
and my cheeks become like straw from this suffering."
In TG, we read instead (25, 107):
tu g©y§ ø¨r-i man rªb¦hÆ gaøt-ast
az-¨n saxt¨ u k©h-am
k¦hÆ gaøt-ast
With the usage of k©h-am "my mountain" instead of rux-am "my cheek(s)"
this is nearer to the Georgian version (GT 16: 75, 17-19):
lomisa msgavsi ýali Øemi gamelebula
da øeÅirvebisagan mta Øemi
gavaÖebula
This was rendered by Ward. in the following way (66):
"From the strength of a lion I am reduced to that of a fox,
and by sorrow my mountain is become a valley".
A word-by-word translation would run as follows:
"My strength, equal to (that) of a lion, has become (like the one of) a fox,
and from grief, my mountain (i.e. the mountain which is
me)
has become a valley."
An opposite case is TG 25, 42, where we read
hanªz-aø bªdÆ puøt-i lab
Øu mulâam
lab-aø تn angab¨n u
b¦da dar ham
"Yet was the `back' of his lip like silk cloth,
his lip like honey and wine (mixed) in one".
as against MahÍób's wording (40,8)
hanªz-aø bªdÆ rux تn l¦la
xurram
lab-aø تn angab¨n u
b¦da dar ham
which was rendered by Morr. (75):
".. his cheek was as yet splendid as the
tulip,
his lip like honey and wine mixed".
Here, the Georgian seems to support MahÍób's text (GT 16: 73,15-16):
bageni lalsa
ugvandes.
".. his lips were like ruby"
(Ward. 64)
Although we have only one sentence as an equivalent to the two half-bayts in question
here, we may assume that the translator chose the word lal- "ruby" because
it sounded similar to the Persian l¦la "tulip".
1.2.3. The way in which the Persian text can be used for establishing the original wording
of the Georgian version, can be demonstrated in an equal manner.
In the 1938 edition (BI±), we find the following clause (8: 24,7-8):
guloansa åiri broÂeulisa çuavilsa uguandis
da þabansa siçuitlita - ÝrianÖalsa.
This wording is in accordance with all manuscripts and is easily understandable,
as Wardrop's translation shows (28):
"The face of the brave was like the flower of a pomegranate;
of the cowardly, like a scorpion with yellowness."
With Gwakharia/Todua, however, we have to conject a different
reading (GT 8: 49, 27-28)
guloansa åiri broÂeulisa çuavilsa
uguandis
da þabansa siçuitlita - drahÖansa.
which would mean
"Of (lit. to) a brave (man), the face looks equal to the blossom of a pomegranate,
and of (lit. to) the coward, (it looks equal) to the drahÖani
(-coin) by (its) yellowness."
For only this wording would agree with the Persian text (TG 16,29):
yak-§-r¦ gªna øud hamrang-i d¨n¦r
yak-§-r¦ Øihra øud m¦nand-i gul-n¦r
"The cheek of the one was the color of a d¨n¦r;
the face of the other like the pomegranate blossom." (Morr.
43)
A litteral translation would run as follows:
"Of the one, the cheek became equal in colour to a d¨n¦r
(coin),
of the (other) one, the face became similar
to the pomegranate blossom."
The restitution of the Georgian text with the name of the coin drahÖan-i
instead of ÝrianÖal-i "scorpion" is unproblematical from a palaeographical
point of view; cp. the two words drahÖani
and
ÌrianÖali
in (modern) Mxedruli script. And that
Georg. drahÖan-i would be the normal equivalent of Persian d¨n¦r
can be seen in TG 24, 56 = GT 15: 71,12-13 where both words are confronted.
Besides, we may compare Lk. 20,24 where Georgian drahÖan-i renders
Greek ÚÝäÿèßoä, the immediate etymon of Persian d¨n¦r.
From a plentiful list of similar cases we may quote, e.g., BI± 13: 42,13 with Georgian
niêani
niøani "sign"
(in accordance with all mss.) which
would have to be expected as the equivalent of Persian *?**?**?**?*
niø¦n only as in GT 23: 65,13 = TG 23,16, whereas GT (13: 63,39)
have the correct niêaïi
niøaüi
as the counterpart of Persian *?**?**?**?*
niø¦ü "merriment" (TG 22,10); and BI± 16: 52,15 has Georgian dasÂavlebuli
dasÂavlebuli "learned, instructed" (in
accordance with a majority of mss.) as against GT 16: 72,6 with dasaÂçlebuli
dasaÂçlebuli "pitiful, deplorable"
which is the correct equivalent of Persian *?**?**?**?**?*
mahjªr "lost, forlorn". For the case of GT 15: 70,18 = TG 24,32 cp.
below.
1.2.4. As to the translation method as used by the Georgian translator, we have already
stated that his general outline must have been to keep as close to the original
as possible. For deviations from this rule, we may suggest the following reasons:
1.2.4.1. One main reason may be styled as "ideological": The translator had to "convert"
the text from GurgÀnÒ's Islamic background to the Christian background prevailing
in Georgia. As a main effect, this conversion resulted in the omitment of the first
two chapters as well as the last one, all of which are devoted to the praise of
AllÀh and MuÐammad in the original, and in a radical shortening of the introduction
(chapters 3-7), which deals with the proper Islamic-Persian environment in which
GurgÀnÒ's opus was accomplished. Within the "conversion" phenomena, we may note
the interesting substitution of Persian darw§ø by Georgian glaxa-
meaning "poor man, beggar" (e.g. TG 23,79 = GT 14: 67,16 or TG 24,56 = GT 15: 71,13),
or of the Islamic paradise guardian, RiÙw¦n, and of fairies, par¨,
by Georgian kaþi "monster" (TG 25,53 = GT 16: 73,27 / TG 25,131
= GT 16:76,6).
1.2.4.2. A similar effect is often produced by the necessary adaptation of specific elements
of the Persian natural environment to the Georgian "reader" not familiar with them.
This may be observed mainly in the areas of fauna and flora, but also with respect
to Persian geographic names, month names, star names and the like; cp. the following
sample list:
Persian nahang "crocodile" > Georgian lomi "lion" (TG 16,
14 = GT 8: 49,13);
P. gawazn "roe, deer" > G. veluri txa "wild goat" (23,146
= 14: 68,37-38);
P. ¦hª "gazelle" > G. veluri txa "wild goat" (23,9 = 14:
65,9-10; 25,4 = 16: 71,36-72,1);
P. gurg "wolf" > G. avaza "panther" (23,9 = 14: 65,10);
P. xurm¦ "date tree" > G. vardi "rose" (23,69 = 14: 67,2-3:
xurm¦ b§-x¦r "date [tree] without thorns" vs. vardi ueÖlo
"rose without thorns"); but in 25,184 = 15: 78,4 xurm¦ "date (fruit)" is
rendered by the Georgian borrowing xurma;
P. sarv "cypress" > G. naýui "spruce" (24,65 =
15: 71,23; 25,5 = 16: 72,1; 25,130 = 16: 79,5);
P. l¦la "tulip" > G. vardi "rose" (24,66 = 15: 71,25, but
cp. G. lali "ruby" = P. l¦la in 25,42 as treated above);
P. ra%d-¨ nou-bah¦r¦n "spring thunder" > G. øemodgomata
karni "autumn winds" (16,5 = 8:49,5-6);
P. t¨q-¨ hinduv¦ni "Indian blade" > G. basris qmali "dagger
(of steel) from Basra" (16,46 = 8:50,8);
P. T¨r u Keyv¦n "Mercury and Saturn" > G. masÖulavni
"stars" (22,14 = 13:64,1);
P. n¨s¦n "April-May" > G. zapxuli "summer" (25,11 = 16:
72,9);
P. day-m¦h "December-January" > G. zamtari "winter" (25,11
= 16: 72,9) and > G. gazapxuli "spring" (25,116 = 16: 75,29-30 abr-i
dey-mah¨ = gazapxulisa Ýrubeli "spring cloud");
Esp. interesting in this respect is the frequent substitution of P. m¦h
"moon" by G. mze "sun" (or mze da mtvari "sun and moon", e.g.
TG 15,25 = GT 7: 48,24 mah > mze da mtvari; 22,1 = 13:63,23:
m¦h-e m¦h¦n "the moon of the moons = VÒs" > mze-vita Visi "Vis,
the sun-like"; 25,48 = 16: 73,21: s¨mb¦r m¦h "silver moon" > sulieri
mze "sun endowed with a living soul"; but cp. 25,45 = 16: 73,18: m¦h-i
j¦nvar "moon endowed with a living soul" > mtvare gavsili "full
moon"), and the treatment of the name of the river Jeyh©n (Oxus): This
is taken over
as a borrowing in the form þeon-i in TG 24,52 = GT 15:71,7 where
it is further explained as r©d-¨ Marv "the river of Marv" = Maravisa
Âçal-i "the water of Marv"; it is simply omitted in 15,20
= 7: 48,19-20, but rendered by MüÖvari, the name of the main river
of Georgia, the Kura, in 23,4 = 14: 65,1 and 25,181 = 16: 77,37.
Here of course, conclusions can only be drawn when the whole material has been collected,
for we may always be misled by single cases. Contrast, e.g., TG 24,57 = GT 15: 71,14
where Georgian Öanþari "wild ass" renders Persian naxj¨r
"prey (animal)" with TG 25,140 = GT 16: 76,18 where Georgian nadiri "prey
(animal)" stands for Persian g©r "wild ass".
1.2.4.3. One important reason for deviations from the original is the addition of explanations
for textual clarity. This may be illustrated by passages such as TG 24,32-35:
pas ¦ngah r©y u mis har dª bi-¦vard
üilism-i har yak-§-r¦ ÷ªrat-§ kard
ba ¦han har duv¦n-r¦ bastÆ bar ham
ba afsªn band-i har dª kardÆ muâkam
ham§ t¦ basta m¦nd§ band-i ¦han
ze band-aø basta m¦nd§ mardÆ bar zan
w-agar band-aø kas-§ bar ham øikast¨
ham¦n gah mardum-§ basta bi-rast¨
"Then she brought brass and copper,
described the talisman of each party;
then tied them together with iron,
sealed the fastening of both with a spell.
So long as the iron clasp should be fastened
would a man remain spellbound and impotent with a woman.
But should anyone break its clasp,
there and then the spellbound male would be released."
(Morr. 71-72)
This is rendered in the Georgian text as follows (GT 15: 70,18-24):
merme ýiýaman såilenýi da rvali
moiÝo
da grýnebita rayt-me
üilismi øekmna:
ori Moabadis saxe da erti Visisi;
øeuloca ra-meda rÖinita ertman-ertsa zeda magrad øeaÅedna.
ýiýa
magalitad grýneuli iço
da ese ori Øxibi asre vita-me øekmnili
iço,
romel vi-re-mca igi ertgan daÅedili içvnen,
Moabad Vissa zedan øeÖruli
iços
da tu vin gaqsnida, mas-ve Âamsa gaisqneboda.
"Then the nurse took copper and bone,
and with some sort of enchantment made a talisman;
two in the likeness of Moabad, and one of Vis;
she uttered some charm,
firmly welded them upon another with iron.
The nurse was a rare sorceress,
and these two bonds were made in such a manner,
that as long as they were welded together,
Moabad should be bound with regard to Vis,
and if anyone undid these,
at this moment he (Moabad) would be unbound." (Ward.
59)
Note that the edition Wardrop had at hand read ýuali
ýuali "bone" instead of ruali
ruali "bronze" = Persian *?**?**?*
r©y. Between ori "two" and Moabadis we should expect
erti "one": "two, [namely] one in the likeness of Moabad,
and one of Vis".
A similar case is TG 25,128:
ba har â¦l-§ ba baxø¦yiø saz¦y-am
ke تn¨n dar dam-¨ surx-a¹dah¦y-am
"By any standard I am worthy of mercy,
caught as I am in the jaws of a fierce dragon!"
(Morr. 78)
Here, the Georgian translator felt it necessary to motivate the "red" colour (surx)
of the "fierce dragon" a¹dah¦ in the following way (GT 16:76,2-4):
(.. me var ..) çovlita sakmita sabralo,
amit romel Âitlisa gvel-veøaåisa,
Öacisa sisxlisa msmelisatvis,
daåçrobil var.
"(I am ..) in everything to be pitied,
for I am enthralled by a red dragon
which drinks men's blood." (Ward.67)
1.2.4.4. On the other hand, the translator has sometimes felt free to omit passages which
seemed unnecessary or excessive to him. So, e.g. he dismissed nearly all of chapter
37 (of the earlier editions = TG 23, 109-134) which contains a detailed description
of VÒs as arrayed by her nurse. Instead we read the following lines which we may
take as an apology (GT 14: 68, 20-22 / Ward. 56):
ra ama üirilita daøura da mo-re-Âçnarda, suli daiÝo, esre
daøuenda, romel razom-ca vin brýeni da gonieri
iços, naasalsa-ca kebasa missa ver mihxvdebis.
"When she had dried these tears and again become calm, her spirits revived,
and she became so beautiful, that no one, however wise and clever
he might be, could achieve one-hundredth part of her praise."
1.2.4.5. For the purpose of better understandability, e.g. in order to avoid a hysteron-proteron
etc., the translator sometimes rearranged sentences or verses as in TG 16,27:
bas¦ asp-¨ siy¦h u mard-i burn¦
ke gaøt az gardÆ xing u p§rÆ-s¨m¦
"Many were the black horses and young men
who became white and hoary because of the dust." (Morr.
42-43)
which he rendered as follows (GT 8: 49,24-26):
mravali çrma Öaci daberebul içvis
da øavi cxeni gaÅarmagebul içvis.
"Many youths became like old men,
and black horses grew white." (Ward.
28)
1.2.4.6. One major source of deviations is the poetic skill of the translator who seems
to have been trained in recognizing alliterations, figurae etymologicae, plays on
words etc. and to have endeavoured to reproduce
them in his translation. Under this aspect we may understand why he chose the following
words (GT 65: 249,4-6):
tu me daberebul var, miþnuroba Øemi ar damberebia:
axali qma ýuelisa
ýalisagan ØamoiÖrvis.
"Though I may be old, my love has not aged;
a new tune may be struck from an old string."
(Ward. 318)
when rendering TG 82,5:
tan-am gar p¨rÆ øud, mihr-am na-øud p¨r,
nav¦-yi nou tuw¦n zad
bar kuhan z¨r
"Though my body has grown old, my love has not -
`one can play a new tune on an old fiddle'."
(Morr. 293)
Obviously, the alliteration to be seen in ýuel-i "old" and ýal-i
"string" was introduced as an image of the alliteration found in Persian nav¦
"tune" and nou "new".
The same explanation may hold true for the wording in GT 16: 74,11-12:
da, tu-ca bedman Øemman me gamÂira,
bednierobisa bedi mas-mca nu moeøorebis.
"Though my fortune has forsaken me,
may the good fortune of happiness never abandon
her." (Ward. 65)
Here, the translator may have looked for an equivalent of the threefold alliteration
b... b... b... as present in TG 25,70:
w-agar-Øe baxtÆ b¦ man xordÆ z§nh¦r
mar-©-r¦ baxtÆ farrux
b¦d u b§d¦r
"Though fortune has broken faith with me,
may glorious fortune be afoot
for her!" (Morr. 76)
Sometimes he may even have added poetic devices of his own, such as the alliteration
using bed-i "fate, fortune" and bedit-i "unfavourable, wretched"
in GT 16: 71,30-31:
ra gul-Âarsrulsa Ramins gauýnelda sakme da uÝono ikmna,
gaubeditda miþnurobisagan bedi,
"When the matter had grown irksome to Ramin, the bereft of heart,
and he became resourceless,
and his fate waxed wretched through
love ..." (Ward. 62)
Here, the Persian original has no stylistic equivalent (TG 25,1):
Øu bar R¦m¨n-i b§-dil k¦rÆ øud saxt
ba %iøq andar mar-©-r¦ xw¦rÆ
øud baxt
"When the plight of the brokenhearted RÀmÒn grew more,
his fortunes in love declined."
(Morr. 73)
Incidentally, however, such poetical figures may have developed by chance, in that
the translator had no choice as to the words to be used. The problem is to decide
which words can be regarded as "normal" correspondences. Cp., e.g., the cooccurence
of mtuare- "moon" and müuer-i "dust" in GT 7: 48,20-22:
mati müueri asre
amaÝlda,
romel hgvanda, tu mtuare da müueri
xuaøiadsa iüçuian ertgan.
"Their dust rose so high
that it seemed as if the moon and the dust were holding
provey converse." (Ward. 25)
Here, the Persian text has x¦k "earth" and m¦h "moon" (TG 15,22):
ham§ raft az zam¨n bar ¦sÆman gard
tu guft§ x¦kÆ
b¦ mah r¦zÆ m§-kard
"The dust went right up from earth to heaven;
you would have sworn the earth exchanged secrets
with the moon." (Morr. 41)
From the material investigated so far it seems that Persian x¦k otherwise
is most frequently translated by Georgian miÂa- "earth" or nacar-i
"ashes"; but the final decision whether the translator intended a play of words
using müueri beneath mtuare must be left open until the whole
text has been worked through.
A similar case may be seen in GT 14: 66,5-7 where vecxlisa vaøli "apple
of silver" translates TG 23,41 s¨b-i s¨m¨n "idem", given that Persian
s¨m(¨n) is represented by Georgian lari (< Persian l¦r¨
"from the province of LÀr") in GT 14: 69,7 = TG 23,153.
1.2.4.7. One set of divergences between the two texts can only be explained by assuming
either that the translator misunderstood the original or that he used a manuscript
model with variants today unknown. One such example is GT 13: 64,15-17 where
only the Georgian text speaks of "casting lots":
igi zogþer dedisa siøorisatuis üirodis
da zogþer Viroys siçuarulisatvis, da Âilni
çarnis:
"Sometimes she wept because of separation from her mother,
and sometimes on account of Viro's love,
and she cast lots". (Ward. 51)
Here the Persian text has n¦la zade "lamented" (TG 22,25):
gah-§ bi-gr¨sÆt§ bar y¦d-i ¸ahr©
gah-§ n¦la zad§
bar dard-i V¨r©
"Now she wept at the memory of Shahró,
now lamented in grief for VÒró." (Morr.
64)
But it becomes conceivable that the translator read qur'¨ zad§ instead
of n¦la zad§ if we compare GT 16: 72,27-29:
da Âilni çarnis
moçvrisa saxelsa,
tu bolosa ¹amsa Øemi da misi sakme vit ertgan ikmnebis-o?
"(Sometimes he ...) cast lots in the name of his beloved,
and said: Shall her lot and mine be united at last?" (Ward.
63)
with TG 25,23:
gah-§ qur'¨ zad§
bar n¦m-i y¦r-aø
ke b¦ © تn buwad farj¦m-i k¦r-aø
"Now he told lots using his lover's name,
to see how his fortunes would end with her." (Morr.
74):
Another example may be seen in GT 16: 73,12-13 where in the Georgian text RÀmÒn's
face is compared with a garden in spring:
gazapxul ÂalÖoüi
tu-ca ÖeÖluci-a,
Raminis åiri atas-þer mas uüurpe iço.
"Although the garden is charming in spring,
Ramin's face was a thousandfold more lovely." (Ward.
64)
The Persian text uses a "rose" for the comparison instead (TG 25,39):
gul ar-Øe saxtÆ n§k© bªd u barb¦r
rux-¨ R¦m¨n n§k©tar bªdÆ ÷ad b¦r
"However passing fair and luxuriant a rose
might be,
RÀmÒn's cheek was a hundred times fairer." (Morr.
75)
For an explanation, we could think of a misreading yielding bah¦r "spring"
instead of barb¦r = purb¦r "rich (in blossoms)"; but we have to
be aware that bah¦r would not fit metrically in the given position.
A third example is met with in GT 16: 75,12-13 where the Georgian text compares
a "mattress" (sagebel-i) with a "snake" (guel-i):
missa tualsa dÝe nateli bnel içuis
da mas kueøe süavrisa amo sagebeli vita gueli
içuis.
"Daylight was as darkness to his eyes.
The pleasant couch of brocade under him was like a serpent."
(Ward. 62)
Here the Persian text speaks of "thorns" (x¦r) instead (TG 25,14):
ba Øaøm-aø r©z-i r©øan t¦rÆ bªd§
ba z§r-aø xazz u d§b¦ x¦rÆ
bªd§
"The bright day was dark in his eyes,
silk and brocade thorns under him." (Morr.
73)
In this case, two explanations are possible: Either Georgian guel-i "snake"
was chosen because the Persian model had m¦r "snake" instead of x¦r
"thorn(y)"; or the translator aimed at presenting a rhyme, viz. bnel
içuis vs. guel(i) içuis.
An obvious example is TG 25,48 = GT 16: 73,21 where Georgian miÂa
"earth, ground" seems to be used as an equivalent of Persian zam¦n "time,
world" for which we have to posit zam¨n "earth, ground".
The reason for such deviations cannot always be stated with certainty, though. Thus
we find an unexpected Åino- "owl" in GT 16: 75,1-2:
magra misi siamovne simÂarisa þupti-a
da misi simxiarule Åinosaebr
bediti-a.
"But his pleasure is the twin of bitterness,
and his merriment is wretched as an owl's." (Ward.
66)
The corresponding Persian verse contains the word xum¦r "aftereffect" (TG
25,93):
kuj¦ xwaøø¨-øÆ b¦ talx¨-øÆ y¦r-ast
Øun¦n k-aø xurram¨ juft-¨ xum¦r-ast
".. its sweetness is the companion of its bitterness,
as its delight matches its aftereffect." (Morr.
77)
The most appropriate solution would consist in presuming a misreading of juft
"pair, match" by juÝd "owl"; but juft is present in the Georgian
text in the form of þupt-i, an obvious borrowing of the Persian
word. So we must either assume that the translator played with the Persian words
intentionally, or that he tried to mediate between different models.
Still less clear is the usage of "pure crystal" in the following context (GT 16:
77,6-7):
øenisa üanisagan Øemi broli uüalao-ada
øenisa saubrisagan
"From thy form is my pure crystal,
and from thy conversation ..." (Ward. 69)
Here, the Persian text speaks of y¦sm¨n "jasmine" instead (TG 25,159):
ze and¦m-¨ tu b¦øad y¦sÆm¨n-amze
guft¦r-¨ tu b¦øad ¦fÆr¨n-am
"your eyes (be) as jasmine (for me),
your words as blessings .." (Morr. 79)
The expected equivalent of Georgian broli "crystal" would be Persian bolur(¨n)
which can hardly be assumed in the position of y¦sm¨n.
1.2.4.8. It should be noted in this context that there are unexpected convergences, too,
between the two texts which again show that the translator tried to keep as close
to his model as possible. In this respect we may note, e.g., the rendering of a
Persian bahuvrÒhi-composite by a Georgian "inverted" bahuvrÒhi as in the case of
xasta-dil "broken-hearted" in TG 23,20:
Øu V¨s-¨ xasta-dil-r¦ d¨dÆ d¦yaze ø¦d¨ gaøtÆ
j¦n-aø n§kÆ-m¦ya
"When the nurse saw Vis brokenhearted,
her soul grew full of happiness." (Morr. 65)
which is translated by Georgian gul-daÂçlulebul-i, lit.
"heart-wounded" (GT 14: 65,19-20):
ra gul-daÂçlulebuli
Visi naxa ýiýaman,
misisa naxvisa sixarulita aivso.
"When the nurse saw the heart-wounded Vis,
she was filled with gladness at the sight." (Ward.
52-53)
Another such case is the Persian figure tu guft§ "you('d) say", frequently
occurring as in TG 16,31:
tu guft§ n¦gah¦n
dª k©h-i p©l¦d
dar ¦n ÷aâr¦ ba yak-d¨gar dar-uft¦d
"You would have sworn two steel mountains
clashed on that field." (Morr. 43)
Lit.: "You'd say, suddenly two mountains of steel
fell on one-another in that steppe."
This figure is often rendered by Georgian tu stkva "as if you('d) say"
(GT 8: 49,29-30):
tu stkva, orni mtani basrisaniertman-ertsa øeeüaÖnes-o.
"(The two armies met) like two mountains of steel
falling together." (Ward. 28)
Lit.: "(The two armies met,) you'd say, two mountains
of steel
crashed on one-another".
Although Georgian tu
tu
is a conjunction meaning "(as) if" and does not correspond grammatically to Persian
tu "you", it seems to have been preferable for the translator because of
its similar sounding.
1.2.5. Looking for the explanatory value the Persian text offers with respect to the Georgian
language as used in the Visramiani, we may first of all think of misunderstandable
or otherwise unknown words. One such case is GT 14: 67,21-22, where the word øarux-i
appears:
Âavida igi ¹ami da dÝe,
odes ertman Öuman ori øaruxi
dasces.
Wardrop's translation (55) seems to be tentative, and it makes
hardly any sense:
"That time and that day are past
when a tortoise overcame two nightingales".
In a footnote, Wardrop wonders whether the word is "P[ersian]"
and whether it could be a "proper name". He seems not to have realized that it had
first been treated by the 17th century Georgian lexicographer, Sulxan-Saba Orbeliani,
who did not claim to be able to explain it: ÅadraÖis mÝerisa
ars, tu sxva, ar vici "It is from the game of chess, or something else, I don't
know". In the present edition of his lexicon9
we are referred to the bird name Øaxrux-i "nightingale" again, a notice
that may have been influenced by the Georgian lexicographer
of the 19th century, Davit ¨ubinaêvili; according to his Georgian-Russian
dictionary10 øaruxi was "Persian"
("såars[uli]") as well, and it denoted a "bulbulis msgavsi
mprinveli, éæãæÙÜà", i.e. a "bird similar
to the nightingale". This meaning alone is recorded once again in the eight volume
"Explanatory
dictionary of the Georgian language"11: øarux-i
"bulbulis msgavsi prinveli". The correct meaning of the verse in question
and of øarux-i is now presented in the new German translation, however
(Leipzig, 63):
"Vorbei ist die Zeit, da ein L„ufer zwei Trme
f„llte."
That this is really a metaphor taken from the game of chess (as Saba presumed),
becomes clear at once if we compare the Persian text (TG 23,83):
øud ¦n r©z ª øud ¦n hang¦m-i farrux
ke bi-tw¦n¨stÆ zad p¨l-§ du øah-rux
"That day and that fortunate time are gone
when a bishop could take two castles." (Morr.
67)
While øarux-i, revealing itself as a loan from Persian øah-rux
here, seems no longer to have been used in Georgian, Öu "tortoise"
has been preserved until nowadays as the equivalent of Persian p¨l "elefant"
= "bishop in chess".
A second field where we can expect the Persian text to have an explanatory value
for the Georgian, is the etymology of Georgian words. So, e.g., Georgian ÖaÖabi
"partridge" appears in GT 25,144 as an equivalent of Persian kabk "idem",
and it becomes at once plausible to derive the Georgian word from the Persian (assuming
a metathesis of stops).
1.2.6. The main explanatory value of the Georgian text for the Persian original will consist
in establishing the phonetics of 12th century Persian with the help of Persian elements
(loans) in the Georgian text. There is a general problem, however, in that it is
not always easy to decide whether a Persian word was taken over just at that time
(and it is only in this case that the Visramiani can help us) or whether
it was borrowed into Georgian earlier. So for every single word, an investigation
of its own is necessary, as the following short hand list may illustrate:
1.2.6.1. Persian ¦-øoft-a - Georgian aÝ-øpot-ebuli "stirred up" (e.g.
TG 15,28 = GT 7: 48,27): older instances exist (e.g., in Bible translation, Sap.Sal.
18,19 aÝ-a-øpot-eb-des);
P. p¨l - G. åilo- "elephant" (e.g. 16,17 = 8: 49,17-18):
older instances exist (e.g., Ps. 44,9);
P. darafø - G. droøa "flag" (e.g. 16,21 = 8: 49,22): older
instances exist (e.g., in the so-called "Nino-legend", Mokcevay kartlisay,
119,7; cp. Armenian drawø);
P. b§z¦r - G. abezar "estranged" (e.g. 16,36 = 8: 49,37):
do. (the word is borrowed from Middle P. ab§z¦r; cp. my study "Iranica
Armeno-Iberica", Wien 1993, p. 1-7);
P. x¦÷(÷)ag¦n - G. xasagian- "nobles" (e.g. 16,73 = 8: 50,38-39):
no older instances known so far;
P. meyd¦n - G. moedan- "playground" (e.g. 16,90 = 8: 51,11):
no older instances known;
P. u(m)m§d - G. imed- "hope" (e.g. 16,93 = 8: 51,13): older
instances exist (cp. "Iranica Armeno-Iberica", p. 84-91);
P. juft - G. þupt- "pair, twin" (e.g. 16,110 = 8:
51,30); no older instances known;
P. zabªn - G. ýabun-i "coward" (e.g. 16,112 = 8:
51,33); no older instances known; cp. þaban- "id.";
P. niø¦ü - G. *niøaü- "merriment" (as discussed above); cp.
ga-niøaü-ian-eba "become happy" in the so-called Gelati-Bible (12th century),
Judg. 16,24;
P. k¦rav¦n - G. karavan "caravan" (e.g. 22,28 = 13: 64,20);
no older instances known;
P. za&fr¦n - G. zapran- "saffron" (e.g. 22,29
= 13: 64,21); older instances exist (e.g., in the so-called ¸aïberd-codex from the
10th century, within the Georgian version of Gregorius Nyssenus, De hominis opificio:
125,17);
P. jam¦za - G. þama(za)- "fast camel" (e.g. 23,17
= 14: 65,15); no older instances known;
P. zang "rust" - G. da-¹ang-ebuli "rusty" (e.g. 23,25 = 14:
65,24); no older instances known;
P. diram - G. drama "drachma" (e.g. 23,38 = 14: 66,2); older
instances exist (e.g., in the 11th century vita of Grigor Xanýteli: 268,40);
P. turinj - G. turinþ- "lemon fruit" (e.g. 23,41
= 14: 66,6); no older instances known;
P. nad¨m - G. nadim- "companion" (e.g. 23,67 = 14: 66,39);
no older instances known;
P. øahrux - G. øarux- "castle (in chess)" (as discussed above);
no other instances known;
P. y¦qut - G. iagund- "jacinth" (e.g. 23,138 = 14: 68,25);
older instances exist (e.g., in the ¸aïberd-codex, within Epiphanius of Cyprus,
De gemmis: 134,29); both words seem to have been borrowed from different languages;
P. naxØir - G. nadir- "prey animal" (e.g. 23,152 = 14: 69,6);
older instances exist (e.g., Gen. 25,28), and it is not sure whether both words
are connected at all;
P. d§v - G. dev- "demon" (e.g. 24,31 = 15: 70,15-16); older
instances exist (e.g., in the legend of St. ¸uêaniÖ, ascribed to the 5th century;
cp. my forthcoming study "Daemonica Irano-Caucasica"12);
P. r©y - G. rval- "bronze" (e.g. 24,32 = 15: 70,18); older
instances exist (e.g., Ex. 25,4); cp. Armenian aroyr: both this and G.
rval- presuppose a Middle Iranian r©Ú-13;
P. nam - G. nam- "moistness" (e.g. 24,46 = 15: 70,35); no
older instances known;
P. d¦Ý - G. daÝ- "brand mark" (e.g. 25,30 = 16: 73,1); no
older instances known;
P. sunbul - G. sumbul- "hyacinth" (e.g. 25,40 = 16: 73,13-14);
no older instances known;
P. muøk(¨n) - G. muøÖ- "musk" (e.g. 25,41 = 16: 73,14);
no older instances known;
P. k¦fªr - G. kapur- "camphor" (e.g. 25,41 = 16: 73,15); no
older instances known;
P. qab¦ - G. Öaba- "men's coat" (e.g. 25,46 = 16:
73,19); no older instances known;
P. baxt - G. bed- "fortune" (as discussed above); older instances
exist (e.g., Jes. 65,11); are both words related?;
P. d©zax(¨) - G. þoþox-et- "hell" (e.g.
25,103 = 16: 75,14); older instances are very frequent in Bible translation (e.g.,
Ps. 6,6); the G. word must be from a form like Parthian d©¹ox;
P. juw¦n-mard(¨) - G. þomard-(oba)- "nobleness" (e.g.
25,125 = 16: 75,36-37); no older instances known;
P. but - G. but- "idol" (e.g. 25,130 = 16: 76,6); no older
instances known;
P. y©z - G. avaz- "panther" (e.g. 25,144 = 76,23); older instances
exist (e.g., in the ¸aïberd-codex, 76,22); what is the actual relationship between
the two words?;
P. xurm¦ - G. xurma- "date" (as discussed above); no older
instances known;
P. z§nh¦r - G. zenaar- "caution, care" (e.g. 25,217 = 16:
79,3); no older instances known;
P. afs¦r - G. avøara- "halter" (e.g. 25,240 = 16: 79,24);
no older instances known.
One main point of interest in this respect will be the question whether there are
indications that the distinction between © and ª and
between § and ¨ was still perceivable. In this respect we may
note Georgian kos-i and buÖ-i as equivalents of Persian
*?**?**?*
k©s "drum"14 and *?**?**?*
bªq "trumpet", appearing several times side by side in TG 16,3-11
/ GT 8: 48,35-49,10. It may be intesting to note as well that Persian -q
is represented as a velar stop in buÖ-i.
1.2.6.2. Additional problems are met with in this connection with proper names. The general
question is, whether they were taken over from spoken or from written Persian. Besides,
we have to be aware that they must have always been highly liable to corruption
during the manuscript transmission within Georgian. For this we may compare, e.g.,
the name of the river Oxus, Jeyh©n, which is now and then rendered as þeon-
with a variant reading þoen-. The whole set of difficulties can
be illustrated by two passages containing several names. The first one is TG 15,4,
where we are offered the following list:
ze ›zarb¦yÆg¦n u Rayy u G§l¦n
ze Xªzist¦n u Istarx u Sip¦h¦n
"(nobles) from ›zerbaijÀn, Reyy, and GÒlÀn,
from KhózistÀn, Istarkh, and IsfahÀn." (Morr.
40)
In the Georgian version, we read the following names (GT 7:48,5-7):
adrabadaganelni, raelni, gelanelni,
xuzisüanelni, asüabaxrelni, asåaanelni.
"(nobles) from Adrabadagan, Ray, GÉlÀn,
XózistÀn, Istaxr, IsfahÀn".
For most of them, there exist some more or less divergent variants such as adrabaginelni,
darbadaganelni, adrabaganelni; ranelni; asüarabatelni,
asüarabasranelni, asüarabatelni, asürabarelni, asüarxanelni; isåaanelni.
So it is understandable why Wardrop proposed to connect the
second entry erroneously with the name of the province Ran, i.e. the Old
Georgian name of today's KarabaÌ (25):
"(nobles) from Adraba[da]gan, Ra [? Ran], Gelan,
Khuzistan, Astabakhar (var. Astabar or Astabasran), Aspa[a]n".
The -b- in the name of the city of Istaxr cannot be explained palaeographically
within any Georgian script (cp. asïabaxr
, *?**?**?**?**?**?**?**?*
,
and *?**?**?**?**?**?**?**?*);
but it may be due to a confusion with AstarÀbÀd, the other name of the author's
home GurgÀn (so Faxr ud-dÒn GurgÀnÒ himself was called As%ad al-AstarÀbÀdÒ, too).
For the name of IsfahÀn, the variants asåa(a)n- and isåa(a)n-
occur side by side elsewhere within Georgian tradition.
As a second example we may quote the list of beautiful women present at Vis's wedding
(TG 8,65-74):
Øu ¸ahr© m¦hÆduxt az M¦hÆ-¦b¦d
Øu ¦darb¦dag¦n¨ sarv-i ¦z¦d
ze Gurg¦n AbÆn©ø-i m¦hÆ-peykar
ham§dªn az Dehist¦n N¦z-i dilbar
ze Ray Din¦rÆg§s u ham Zar¨ng§s
ze bªm-i k©hÆ ¸¨r¨n u Farang§s
ze I÷f¦h¦n du but تn m¦h u xwarø§d
xujasta ›bÆn¦z u ›bÆn¦h§d
ba gouhar harduw¦n duxt-¨ dab¨r¦n..
Gul¦b ª Y¦sÆman duxt-¨ waz¨r¦n
ham§dªn N¦z u ›dargªn u Gulgªn
ba rux تn barf u bar-© r¨xÆta xªn
Sah¨ n¦m ª sah¨ b¦l¦ zan-¨ ø¦h
tan az s¨m ª lab az n©ø ª rux az m¦h
¸akarlab N©øÆ az bªm-¨ Hum¦war
saman rang ª saman b©y u samanbar
"Like ¸ahrã, daughter of Media, from MÀh-›bÀd,
like a free cypress from ›zarbaijÀn,
from GurgÀn ›bnãê, with the form of the moon,
at the same time from DehistÀn charming NÀz,
from Ray DÒnargÉs and ZarÒngÉs,
from the foot of the mountain ¸ÒrÒn and FarangÉs,
from IsfahÀn two idols like moon and sun,
fortunate ›bnÀz and ›bnÀhÉd
by descent both daughter(s) of scribes, ..
GulÀb and YÀsaman, daughter(s) of viziers,
as well NÀz and ›zargón and Gulgón,
with a cheek like snow with blood sprinkled on it,
SahÒ by name and `upright' by stature, the ¸Àh's wife,
her body of silver, her lip of nectar, her cheek (like) the moon,
¸akarlab Nãê from the land of HumÀvÀr,
jasmine (her) colour, jasmine (her) scent, jasmine-wearing."
These names are rendered by the Georgian tradition in the following way (GT 2: 35,37-36,5):
¸ahro Mahduxü adrabadaganeli,
Abanoø {v.l. manoø, monao, man mo} gurganeli
{v.l. aspburganeli, aspuraganeli, aspagur},
Naslakit dehisüaneli,
Dinarges {v.l. dinigruz, dinarguz, danirges} da Zaringes
{v.l. zargines, zarnisges};
mtis-ýirelni ¸irini da Gurgesi {v.l. gergesi,
gurgen}
asåaanelni {v.l. asåaaneli, asåaneli,
isåanelni}, orni mzisebrni
ÖeÖlucni: Abanozi {v.l. abanozni} da
Abanoed
{v.l. abaned, abanod} -
orni ÖeÖlucni kalni mÂignobarta asulni;
¿ulabi {v.l. þalabi} da Iasaman
{v.l. diasaman, diasman}
- vazirisa {v.l. vezirisa} asulni {v.l.
asuli};
¸akarlab Noø {da Abanoø} eraçeli;
iço: Nazi {monazi mss.}, Adraguni da Gulgunoi
{v.l. gulguni}
øirazelni {v.l. øarazneli},
Sainam {v.l. øainam, øainaø} da Saibala {v.l.
saibla da, sibla}
- ¸ahi Moabadis colni.
"¸ahro Mahduxï,from Adrabadagan,
Abanoê from Gurgan,Naslakit from Dehistan,
Dinarges and Zaringes;
¸irin-i and Gurges-i from the foot of the mountain,
from IsfahÀn, two sun-likebeauties: Abanoz-i und Abanoed,
two beautiful women, daughters of scribes;
Gulab-i and Iasaman, a vizier's daughters;
¸akarlab Noê from Eraç;
there were: Naz-i, Adragun-i and Gulgun-ifrom ¸ÒrÀz,
Sainam and Saibala,¸ah Moabad's wives.
An especially interesting feature of the Georgian text in this respect is that the
author himself, Faxr ud-d¨n Gorg¦n¨, is called Paxpur here which
would correspond to the Persian title faÝfªr "emperor of China" (1: 34,18);
and that his client for whom he composed the epic is called Ibdal-Meliki-vaziri
(1: 34,12) instead of Abu-l Fatâ Muûaffar.
2. Let us return to the question now in which way we may think of applying computers
to the given task. From the examples discussed above it may have become clear that
there is hardly any field of investigation that can be supported by automatical
analyses without a lot of preparatory work to be done before. In my view, there
are at least three essential stages:
2.1. The first step consists in bringing both texts into an electronic form ("encoding").
This step has now been fulfilled for the Georgian part: I read it in 1992 using
an optical scanner and corrected it manually afterwards. As for the Persian text,
this too exists in electronic form. It was entered as a basis for Emiko Okada's
and Kazuhiko Machida's study called "Perusha bungaku. Bunka-no
dÉtabÉsu-ka - josei-no seikatsu to shikã-o chóshin-ni" ("Persian literature. Transformation
of culture into a database. With emphasis on women's thought and life") which appeared
in three parts in Tãkyã 1991. This study contains a type list with frequency, i.e.
an alphabetical list of all word-forms occuring in the text, with their frequency;
a frequency list of the types, i.e., a list of the word-forms arranged according to their frequency (part I); a type concordance, i.e.
an index of the occurrences of all wordforms, without context (part II); and the
whole text (part III; it is identical with the one as edited by MahÍób).
For several reasons, however, I decided to start a new encoding of the Persian text:
Firstly, the text as entered in Japan was simply not yet available to me. Secondly,
it contains all Persian material in the original script, which bears the disadvantage
that it is ill suited to linguistic (esp. phonetic) investigations as it is. Besides,
it seems to provide no material for grammatical analysis and no hints for distinguishing
between homographs, and it obviously does not reveal any information about the position
of words within the verse, esp. with respect to metrics and rhymes. So it would
have to be reorganized anyway for the present purposes. Instead, I am glad to be
supported by Soraya Divshali who has been engaged with typing
in the Persian text (according to Todua / Gwakharia's edition)
in transcription for some time now, and we hope to finish this stage within another
year's time.
2.2. The second stage will consist in preparing both texts for a complete indexation
as to occurences of words and word forms. Such an indexation can easily be achieved
using programs such as the "WordCruncher" (Brigham Young University); the only preparation
necessary for it is providing the texts with indexation marks such as, for the Persian
text, chapter and verse numbers or, for the Georgian text, page and line numbers.
The resulting indexes will be useful as an aid for the main task, which is the third
stage:
2.3. This stage consists in preparing both texts for an automatic comparison, i.e.,
for joint indexation with respect to all points of investigation as discussed above.
Here we have to be aware that from the beginning we should aim at integrating as
much information as possible, in order to facilitate analyses on all levels of linguistic
and philological interest. Let me illustrate what I mean using four different arrangements
of the beginning of chapter 15 (TG / 7 GT).
2.3.1. The least informative encoding would just consist in a synoptical marking of verse
units, which would mean to arrange the Georgian text according to the Persian original:
|l1a Øu az ø¦h ¦gah¨ ¦mad ba V¨r©
|l1b ke ham z-© k¨na d¦rad ham ze ¸ahr©
|l2a ze har øahr-§ u az har j¦yÆg¦h-§
|l2b ham§ ¦mad ba darg¦h-aø sip¦h-§
"When news of the king reached VÒró,
how he was in feud against him and Shahró,
from every city and every place
an army came to his court."
| |l1a cna Viroman ambavi ¸ahi Moabadisi,
|l1b vita mas-ca emüerebis da ¸ahrosa-ca
|l2a da çovlisa kveçanisa
|l2b didebulni da laøkarni mivides missa da øeçrilan
"At that time when Viro learnt the tidings of Shah Moabad,
how he was become an enemy to him and to Shahro also,
and had collected from every land
magnates and soldiers ..."
|
---|
It goes without saying that the information retrievable from such an arrangement
is scanty; the only result we could produce by this would be a "synoptical" word
index.
2.3.2. If we aim at retrieving information about the interdependency of words in both
texts, we need at least an additional marking of keywords:
|l1a Øu az ø¦h1 ¦gah¨2
¦mad3 ba V¨r©4
|l1b ke5 ham z-©6 k¨na7 d¦rad8
ham ze ¸ahr©9
|l2a ze har10 øahr-§11 u az har12 j¦yÆg¦h-§13
|l2b ham§ ¦mad14 ba darg¦h-aø15 sip¦h-§16
| |l1a cna3 Viroman4 ambavi2 ¸ahi1
Moabadisi,
|l1b vita5 mas-ca6 emüerebis7+8 da ¸ahrosa-ca9
|l2a da çovlisa12 kveçanisa13
|l2b didebulni da laøkarni16 mivides14 missa15
da øeçrilan
|
---|
Here, all words that have a counterpart in the other text are marked with a unique
number so that their equivalents can be searched for automatically. This marking
is not satisfying yet, either, because it may turn out necessary to retrieve information
about syntactical relations, too, which do not become transparent like this at all.
So we could think of marking syntactical units instead as in the following way:
|l1a [Øu]1 [az ø¦h]2
[¦gah¨]3 [¦mad]4 [ba V¨r©]5
|l1b [ke]6 [ham z-©]7 [k¨na d¦rad]8 [ham
ze ¸ahr©]9
|l2a [ze har øahr-§]10 [u]11 [az har j¦yÆg¦h-§]12
|l2b [ham§ ¦mad]13 [ba darg¦h-aø]14 [sip¦h-§]15
| |l1a [cna]4 [Viroman]5 [ambavi]3 [¸ahi
Moabadisi]2,
|l1b [vita]6 [mas-ca]7 [emüerebis]8 da
[¸ahrosa-ca]9
|l2a da [çovlisa kveçanisa]12
|l2b didebulni da [laøkarni]15 [mivides]13 [missa]14
da øeçrilan
|
---|
This method, too, has a disadvantage in that it does not allow for an internal analysis
and that grammatical phenomena cannot be searched for. So we would need at least
a combined encoding of keywords and of grammatical units as in
the following way:
|l1a [Øu1]1 [az2
ø¦h3]2 [¦gah¨4]3 [¦mad5]4
[ba6 V¨r©7]5
|l1b [ke8]6 [ham9 z10-©11]7
[k¨na12 d¦rad13]8 [ham14 ze1
¸ahr©16]9
|l2a [ze17 har18 øahr19-§20]10
[u21]11 [az22 har23 j¦yÆg¦h24-§25]12
|l2b [ham§26 ¦mad27]13 [ba28
darg¦h29-aø30]14 [sip¦h31-§32]15
| |l1a [cna5]4 [Viroman7]5 [ambavi4]3
[¸ahi3 Moabadisix]2,
|l1b [vita8]6 [mas11-ca9]7
[emüerebis12+13]8 da14 [¸ahrosa16-ca14]9
|l2a [da21]11 [çovlisa23 kveçanisa24]12
|l2b didebulnixx daxxx [laøkarni31]15
[mivides27]13 [missa30]14 daxxxx
øeçrilanxxxxx
|
---|
2.4. Of course, I do not regard the methods of encoding additional information in the
way as presented here (using brackets, numbers and the like) as practicable in any
way; they are meant just as an illustration of the problems involved. What we need
instead is a thorough morphological analysis of the single words in both texts (just
as it was procured for many biblical texts or the like in other projects) plus
detailed information about the interdependencies between the two texts and the
words contained in them. Only then will the computer be able to help extending our
knowledge in the present field of investigation, in that it will allow for a quick
and complete search under different topics through two texts of about 150 pages
length at a time. As for the way how it will be best prepared for this purpose,
I have as yet no final solution.
Georgian text:
|
---|
Title (according to Ward.) | Ward. | Leipzig | Saunþe | BI± | GT | *?*.
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
The
beginning of the story of Vis and Ramin | 1-3 | 19-20 | 17-18 | 3-4 | 33-34 | 1
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
The
story of Vis and of Ramin, and his eldest brother Shah Moabad | 4-7 | 21-24 | 18-21 | 5-7 | 34-37 | 2
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
(Vis's
and Ramin's birth and youth) | 8-10 | 24-26 | 21-22 | 8-9 | 37-38 | 3
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
The
letter written by the nurse of Vis to Shahro, the mother of Vis | 11-15 | 26-27 | 22-24 | 10-11 | 38-40 | 4
|
---|
..
They bring Vis from Khuzistan into the City of Hamian | 13-15 | 28-29 | 24-25 | 12-13 | 40-41 | 5
|
---|
Here
the wedding of Vis and her brother Viro and the coming of Moabad's | 16-24 | 30-38 | 25-32 | 14-20 | 41-48 | 6
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
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Here
Shah Moabad sets forth to fight Viro | 25-26 | 38-39 | 32-33 | 21-22 | 48 | 7
|
---|
Here
is the great battle between Moabad and Viro | 27-31 | 39-43 | 33-36 | 23-26 | 48-52 | 8
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
The
investment of Viro's castle by Moabad, and the discourse of Vis | 32-40 | 43-50 | 36-42 | 27-33 | 52-58 | 9
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Moabad's
letter to Shahro | 41-44 | 51-54 | 42-44 | 34-36 | 58-60 | 10
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Viro
learns of the abduction of his wife and his mourning thereat | 45-46 | 54-55 | 44-45 | 37-38 | 60-61 | 11
|
---|
Ramin
becomes enamoured of Vis | 47-49 | 55-58 | 45-47 | 39-41 | 61-63 | 12
|
---|
Here
is the wedding of Moabad and Vis | 50-51 | 58-59 | 47-49 | 42-43 | 63-64 | 13
|
---|
The
lamentation and weeping of the nurse for the carrying away of Vis | 52-57 | 59-65 | 49-53 | 44-48 | 64-69 | 14
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
The binding of the virility of Moabad by
Vis and the nurse | 58-61 | 65-68 | 53-56 | 49-51 | 69-71 | 15
|
---|
The
story of Ramin's love | 62-73 | 68-80 | 56-65 | 52-61 | 71-80 | 16
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
The
parting of Ramin from the nurse and her coming before Vis | 74-81 | 80-87 | 65-70 | 62-67 | 80-85 | 17
|
---|
The
nurse's second visit to Ramin | 82-89 | 87-94 | 70-75 | 68-73 | 86-91 | 18
|
---|
The
nurse parts from Vis and sees Ramin for the third time | 90-93 | 94-97 | 75-78 | 74-76 | 91-94 | 19
|
---|
Vis
sees Ramin in Moabad's throne-room and becomes enamoured of him | 94-96 | 98-99 | 78-80 | 77-78 | 94-95 | 20
|
---|
The
nurse goes to Ramin | 97-100 | 100-103 | 80-83 | 79-81 | 96-98 | 21
|
---|
The
union of Ramin and Vis | 101-106 | 103-108 | 83-87 | 82-86 | 98-102 | 22
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Moabad
learns of the love of Ramin and Vis | 107-113 | 108-115 | 87-92 | 87-92 | 103-108 | 23
|
---|
Moabad
takes away Vis and comes to Marav and Khurasan | 114-116 | 115-117 | 92-94 | 93-94 | 108-109 | 24
|
---|
Vis's
parting from Moabad | 117-120 | 117-121 | 94-97 | 95-98 | 109-113 | 25
|
---|
Ramin
goes to Vis | 121-122 | 121-123 | 97-98 | 99-100 | 113-114 | 26
|
---|
Moabad
learns that Ramin has gone to Vis | 123-129 | 123-130 | 98-103 | 101-106 | 114-119 | 27
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Moabad
lights a fire for Vis to swear by | 130-136 | 130-136 | 103-108 | 107-112 | 119-124 | 28
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Moabad's
wanderings in search of Vis | 137-139 | 136-138 | 108-110 | 113-115 | 124-126 | 29
|
---|
Moabad
comes to Marav and learns tidings of Vis | 140-145 | 139-143 | 110-114 | 116-120 | 126-130 | 30
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Ramin
brings Vis to Marav, and the rejoicing and banquet of Moabad | 146-156 | 144-154 | 114-123 | 121-129 | 130-138 | 31
|
---|
Moabad's
campaign against Greece, and his committal of Vis and her nurse | 157-163 | 154-161 | 123-128 | 130-136 | 139-144 | 32
|
---|
Vis's
lament for Ramin's absence | 164-166 | 161-164 | 128-130 | 136-138 | 144-146 | 33
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Ramin
goes from Marav to Ashkap'hut'hidevan to be united to Vis | 167-174 | 164-172 | 130-136 | 139-144 | 146-152 | 34
|
---|
Moabad
learns that Vis and Ramin are together | 175-184 | 172-180 | 136-142 | 145-151 | 152-159 | 35
|
---|
Shahro's
lament and weeping for Vis | 185-197 | 181-193 | 142-152 | 152-161 | 159-168 | 36
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Moabad
learns of the meeting of Vis and Ramin | 198-204 | 193-199 | 152-157 | 162-166 | 168-173 | 37
|
---|
Moabad
invites Shahro and Viro and makes a banquet | 205-207 | 199-201 | 157-158 | 167-168 | 173-174 | 38
|
---|
Bego's
good counsel to Ramin | 208-213 | 201-206 | 158-162 | 169-172 | 174-178 | 39
|
---|
Shah
Moabad's advice, instruction, and command to Vis | 214-217 | 206-210 | 162-165 | 173-176 | 178-181 | 40
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Vis and Ramin part in anger | 218-225 | 210-216 | 165-170 | 177-182 | 181-186 | 41
|
---|
Ramin
falls in love with Gul | 226-231 | 217-222 | 170-174 | 183-188 | 186-191 | 42
|
---|
The
wedding of Ramin and Gul-Vardi | 232-234 | 222-224 | 174-176 | 188-189 | 191-193 | 43
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Ramin's
letter abandoning Vis | 235-238 | 224-227 | 176-178 | 190-192 | 193-195 | 44
|
---|
Vis
receives Ramin's letter | 239-247 | 228-235 | 178-185 | 193-199 | 195-201 | 45
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Vis
falls sick through grief | 248-249 | 236-237 | 185-186 | 200-201 | 201-202 | 46
|
---|
Vis's
conversation with Mishkin | 250-251 | 237-238 | 186-187 | 202-203 | 203-204 | 47
|
---|
The
first letter of Vis to Ramin | 252-256 | 239-242 | 187-190 | 204-207 | 204-207 | 48
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
The
second letter of Vis to Ramin | 257-259 | 243-245 | 190-192 | 208-209 | 207-209 | 49
|
---|
The
third letter of Vis to Ramin | 260-262 | 245-247 | 192-193 | 210-211 | 210-211 | 50
|
---|
The
fourth letter of Vis to Ramin | 263-265 | 247-250 | 193-195 | 212-214 | 210-212 | 51
|
---|
The
fifth letter of Vis to Ramin | 266-268 | 250-252 | 195-197 | 215-216 | 212-214 | 52
|
---|
The
sixth letter of Vis to Ramin | 269-271 | 252-255 | 197-199 | 217-219 | 214-216 | 53
|
---|
The
seventh letter of Vis to Ramin | 272-274 | 255-257 | 199-201 | 220-221 | 216-218 | 54
|
---|
The
eighth letter of Vis to Ramin | 275-277 | 257-260 | 201-203 | 222-224 | 218-220 | 55
|
---|
The
ninth letter of Vis to Ramin | 278-280 | 260-262 | 203-204 | 225-226 | 220-222 | 56
|
---|
The
tenth letter of Vis to Ramin | 281-286 | 262-267 | 204-209 | 227-231 | 222-226 | 57
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Ramin
thinks on Vis | 287-292 | 267-273 | 209-213 | 232-236 | 226-230 | 58
|
---|
Rap'hed
informs his daughter of Ramin's desertion | 293-299 | 273-279 | 213-218 | 237-242 | 231-235 | 59
|
---|
Ramin
sees Adina | 300-301 | 280-281 | 218-219 | 243-244 | 236-237 | 60
|
---|
Ramin's
letter to Vis | 302-306 | 281-286 | 219-223 | 245-248 | 237-240 | 61
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Ramin
comes to Marav | 307-312 | 286-288 | 223-227 | 249-253 | 241-245 | 62
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Vis's
answer | 313-315 | 292-294 | 227-230 | 254-256 | 245-247 | 63
|
---|
Vis's
further discourse | 316-317 | 294-296 | 230-231 | 257-258 | 247-248 | 64
|
---|
Ramin's
reply | 318-319 | 296-298 | 231-232 | 259-260 | 248-250 | 65
|
---|
Vis's
answer | 320-321 | 298-300 | 232-234 | 261-262 | 250-251 | 66
|
---|
(Ramin's
answer) | 322-324 | 300-302 | 234-235 | 263-264 | 251-253 | 67
|
---|
(Vis's
answer) | 325-326 | 302-303 | 235-236 | 265-266 | 253-254 | 68
|
---|
(Ramin's answer) | 327-328 | 303-304 | 236-237 | 267-268 | 254-255 | 69
|
---|
(Vis's
answer) | 329-330 | 305-306 | 237-238 | 269-270 | 255-256 | 70
|
---|
(Ramin's
answer) | 331-332 | 306-307 | 238-239 | 271 | 256-257 | 71
|
---|
(Vis's
answer) | 333-334 | 307-308 | 239-240 | 272 | 257 | 72
|
---|
(Ramin speaks
again) | 335-336 | 308-309 | 240-241 | 273 | 258 | 73
|
---|
(Vis's answer) | 337-338 | 309-310 | 241-242 | 274-275 | 258-259 | 74
|
---|
(Ramin's
answer) | 339 | 311 | 242-242 | 276 | 259-260 | 75
|
---|
(Vis's answer) | 340-346 | 311-318 | 242-242 | 277-282 | 260-265 | 76
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
(Ramin's
answer) | 347-349 | 318-321 | 248-250 | 283-285 | 265-267 | 77
|
---|
(Vis's
answer) | 350-351 | 321-322 | 250-251 | 286-287 | 267-268 | 78
|
---|
(Ramin's
answer) | 352-353 | 322-323 | 251-252 | 288-289 | 268-269 | 79
|
---|
(Vis's
answer) | 354-356 | 324-326 | 252-254 | 290-292 | 269-271 | 80
|
---|
The
union of Ramin and Vis | 357-362 | 326-331 | 254-258 | 293-297 | 271-276 | 81
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Moabad
goes to the chase | 363-367 | 332-336 | 258-262 | 298-301 | 276-279 | 82
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
(The
nurse thinks on Vis) | 368-371 | 336-340 | 262-264 | 302-304 | 279-282 | 83
|
---|
Vis's
letter to Ramin | 372-376 | 340-343 | 264-268 | 305-308 | 282-285 | 84
|
---|
Ramin's
soliloquy (Here Vis's letter comes to Ramin) | 377-378 | 344-345 | 268-269 | 309-310 | 285-287 | 85
|
---|
Ramin
comes to Marav | 379-381 | 346-348 | 269-271 | 311-313 | 287-289 | 86
|
---|
Ramin
slays Zard | 382-385 | 348-352 | 271-274 | 314-316 | 289-291 | 87
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
Shah
Moabad is slain by a boar | 386-388 | 352-354 | 274-275 | 317-318 | 291-293 | 88
|
---|
The
accession of Ramin | 389-396 | 354-360 | 275-280 | 319-324 | 293-298 | 89
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | |
|
---|
| | | | | | |
---|
Persian text:
|
---|
*?*. | TG | Lees | *?*. | MinowÒ | MahÍób | Morr. | Title
(according to Morr.)
|
---|
1 | 1-6 | 1-6 | 1 | 1-6 | 1-5 | 1-4 | (Praise
to God)
|
---|
2 | 7-10 | | 2 | 6-9 | 5-7 | 4-6 | Praise of MuÐammad
|
---|
3 | 10-15 | | 3 | 9-15 | 7-11 | 6-10 | Praise
of Sultan Abó ºalÒb ºughrilbeg
|
---|
4 | 16-18 | | 4 | 15-17 | 11-13 | 10-12 | Praise
of KhvÀjeh Abó Naír Ibn Maníór ibn MuÐammad
|
---|
5 | 18-21 | | 5 | 17-21 | 13-16 | 12-14 | The
taking of IsfahÀn by the sultan
|
---|
6 | 21-26 | 7-9 | 6 | 21-24 | 16-18 | 14-16 | Praise
of %AmÒd Abó'l-FatÐ Muþzaffar
|
---|
7 | 26-30 | 9-12 | 7 | 24-28 | 18-21 | 16-19 | The
Sultan leaves IsfahÀn; account of the author
|
---|
8 | 31-38 | 13-19 | 8 | 28-31 | 21-23 | 19-21 | The
story of VÒs and RÀmÒn begins
|
---|
| | | 9 | 31-33 | 24-25 | 21-23 | The
beauties of moonlike face look on at King Moubad's banquet
|
---|
9 | 38-41 | 19-22 | 10 | 33-36 | 25-27 | 23-25 | Moubad
asks Shahró's hand in marriage and she makes a compact with him
|
---|
10 | 42-45 | | 11 | 36-38 | 27-29 | 25-27 | VÒs
is born to her mother
|
---|
| | | 12 | 39 | 29-30 | 27 | VÒs and
RÀmÒn are brought up in KhózÀn at the nurse's side
|
---|
11 | 46-48 | 22-25 | 13 | 40-42 | 30-32 | 27-29 | The
nurse writes a letter to Shahró who sends an envoy to fetch VÒs
|
---|
12 | 48-50 | 25-26 | 14 | 42-44 | 32-33 | 29-31 | Shahró
gives VÒs in marriage to VÒró but both fail to gain their desire
|
---|
13 | 51-62 | 26-28 | 15 | 44-49 | 34-37 | 31-34 | Zard
comes to Shahró as messenger
|
---|
| | 28-30 | 16 | 50-52 | 37-39 | 35-36 | VÒs
questions Zard and hears his answer
|
---|
| | 30-34 | 17 | 52-55 | 39-41 | 36-38 | Zard
returns from VÒs to Moubad
|
---|
14 | 62-64 | 34-36 | 18 | 55-57 | 41-43 | 38-40 | News
reaches Moubad of VÒró's taking VÒs in marriage
|
---|
15 | 64-66 | 36-50 | 19 | 57-59 | 43-44 | 40-41 | VÒró
learns of Moubad's coming to do battle
|
---|
16 | 66-73 | | 20 | 59-64 | 45-49 | 41-45 | The
battle between Moubad and VÒró
|
---|
| | | 21 | 65-66 | 49-50 | 45-46 | ShÀh
Moubad is routed by VÒró
|
---|
17 | 74-76 | | 22 | 66-67 | 50 | 46-47 | Moubad
sends an envoy to VÒs
|
---|
| | | 23 | 67-68 | 51 | 47-48 |
|
---|
18 | 76-84 | | 24 | 68-71 | 51-54 | 48-50 | VÒs
replies to King Moubad's messenger
|
---|
| | | 25 | 71-72 | 54-55 | 50-51 | ShÀh
Moubad's envoy returns from VÒs
|
---|
| | | 26 | 73-76 | 55-57 | 51-53 | Moubad
consults his brother about VÒs
|
---|
19 | 84-91 | 50-52 | 27 | 77-78 | 58-59 | 53-55 | Moubad
writes a letter to Shahró and subverts her with riches
|
---|
| | | 28 | 79-80 | 59-60 | 55 | Description
of the goods sent by Moubad to Shahró
|
---|
| | 52-54 | 29 | 80-83 | 60-63 | 56-58 | How
Shahró surrendered VÒs to ShÀh Moubad; the sinister aspect of that night
|
---|
| | | 30 | 84 | 63 | 58-59 | Moubad
enters the castle and brings out VÒs
|
---|
20 | 92-93 | 54-55 | 31 | 85-86 | 63-64 | 59 | VÒró
receives tidings that the king has carried off VÒs
|
---|
21 | 93-97 | 55-60 | 32 | 86-90 | 64-67 | 60-62 | RÀmÒn
sees VÒs and falls in love with her
|
---|
22 | 97-99 | | 33 | 90-92 | 68-69 | 63-64 | Moubad
brings VÒs to Marv the royal abode
|
---|
23 | 99-108 | 60-63 | 34 | 92-96 | 69-72 | 64-67 | The
nurse learns of the plight of VÒs and goes to Marv
|
---|
| | 63 | 35 | 96 | 72 | 67 | VÒs
replies to the nurse
|
---|
| | 63-67 | 36 | 97-99 | 72-74 | 67-68 | The
nurse replies to VÒs
|
---|
| | | 37 | 99-102 | 74-76 | 69-70 | The nurse arrays VÒs;
her description
|
---|
24 | 109-112 | 67-68 | 38 | 102-106 | 76-79 | 70-73 | The
nurse puts a spell on ShÀh Moubad to render him impotent with VÒs
|
---|
25 | 113-130 | 69-87 | 39 | 106-108 | 79-81 | 73-74 | RÀmÒn
walks in the garden and laments his love for VÒs
|
---|
| | | 40 | 108-124 | 81-93 | 75-85 | RÀmÒn
meets the nurse in the garden and tells her his plight
|
---|
26 | 130-140 | 87-89 | 41 | 124-134 | 93-100 | 85-92 | The
nurse wins VÒs over to RÀmÒn by stratagem
|
---|
27 | 140-153 | 89-93 | 42 | 134-147 | 100-110 | 92-102 | The
nurse returns to RÀmÒn in the garden
|
---|
| | 93-100 | | | | |
|
---|
28 | 153-157 | 100-106 | 43 | 148-151 | 111-113 | 102-105 | VÒs
sees RÀmÒn and falls in love with him
|
---|
29 | 157-160 | | 44 | 152-155 | 114-116 | 105-107 | The
nurse goes once more to VÒs with news
|
---|
30 | 160-167 | 106-112 | 45 | 155-161 | 116-120 | 107-111 | VÒs
and RÀmÒn come together
|
---|
| | | 46 | 161-162 | 121 | 111-112 | VÒs
and RÀmÒn go to KóhistÀn to join Moubad
|
---|
31 | 168-176 | 112-118 | 47 | 162-171 | 122-128 | 112-117 | Moubad
discovers the secret of VÒs and RÀmÒn
|
---|
32 | 176-179 | 118-121 | 48 | 171-174 | 128-130 | 117-120 | ShÀh
Moubad returns from KóhistÀn to KhurÀsÀn
|
---|
33 | 180-185 | 121-126 | 49 | 174-180 | 130-135 | 120-124 | VÒs
goes from Marv the royal abode to KóhistÀn
|
---|
34 | 186-188 | 126-128 | 50 | 180-182 | 135-137 | 124-125 | RÀmÒn
goes to KóhistÀn after VÒs
|
---|
35 | 188-194 | 128-130 | 51 | 182-187 | 137-140 | 125-129 | Moubad
discovers RÀmÒn's visit to VÒs, complains to his mother, and writes a letter
|
---|
| | 130-133 | 52 | 188-189 | 141 | 129-130 | Moubad
goes from KhurÀsÀn to HamedÀn
|
---|
36 | 195-198 | 133-136 | 53 | 189-192 | 142-144 | 130-132 | VÒró
sends a reply to Moubad
|
---|
37 | 198-208 | 136-140 | 54 | 193-195 | 144-146 | 132-134 | Moubad
chastises VÒs
|
---|
| | 140-144 | 55 | 195-202 | 146-152 | 134-139 | Moubad
goes to the fire temple; VÒs and RÀmÒn flee to Reyy
|
---|
38 | 208-211 | 144-151 | 56 | 202-205 | 152-154 | 139-141 | ShÀh
Moubad wanders the world in search of VÒs
|
---|
39 | 211-218 | | 57 | 206-208 | 154-156 | 141-142 | RÀmÒn
writes a letter to his mother
|
---|
| | | 58 | 208-213 | 156-160 | 142-145 | Moubad's
mother gives him news of VÒs and RÀmÒn and writes a letter to RÀmÒn
|
---|
40 | 218-233 | 151-168 | 59 | 213-229 | 160-171 | 146-156 | Moubad
sits at the banquet with VÒs and RÀmÒn, and RÀmÒn sings of his plight
|
---|
41 | 233-238 | | 60 | 229-233 | 171-175 | 156-159 | Moubad
receives tidings of the roman emperor and goes to war
|
---|
42 | 238-243 | 168-172 | 61 | 233-238 | 175-179 | 160-164 | King
Moubad takes VÒs to the castle of Ishkaft e DÒvÀn
|
---|
43 | 243-247 | 173-175 | 62 | 239-241 | 179-181 | 164-166 | VÒs
laments RÀmÒn's departure
|
---|
44 | 247-259 | 175-185 | 63 | 242-253 | 181-189 | 166-174 | RÀmÒn
comes to VÒs at the castle of Ishkaft e DÒvÀn
|
---|
45 | 259-270 | 185-194 | 64 | 253-264 | 190-198 | 174-182 | King
Moubad comes from Rome and goes to VÒs at the castle of Ishkaft e DÒvÀn
|
---|
46 | 270-279 | 194-201 | 65 | 264-271 | 198-203 | 182-187 | Shahró
laments before Moubad
|
---|
| | | 66 | 271-273 | 203-205 | 187-188 | Moubad
replies to Shahró and speaks of the beating of VÒs and the nurse
|
---|
47 | 279-28 | 202-209 | 67 | 273-282 | 205-211 | 189-195 | Moubad
entrusts VÒs to the nurse; RÀmÒn comes into the garden
|
---|
48 | 289-299 | 209-217 | 68 | 282-292 | 212-219 | 195-202 | The
king receives news of RÀmÒn, and goes into the garden
|
---|
49 | 299-302 | 217-220 | 69 | 292-295 | 219-221 | 202-204 | Moubad
holds a banquet in the garden and the songster minstrel sings a song
|
---|
50 | 303-310 | 220-226 | 70 | 295-302 | 221-226 | 204-209 | Bihgó
counsels RÀmÒn
|
---|
51 | 310-312 | 226-228 | 71 | 302-304 | 226-228 | 209-210 | Moubad
counsels VÒs
|
---|
52 | 312-316 | 228-230 | 72 | 304-307 | 228-230 | 210-212 | VÒs
replies to Moubad
|
---|
53 | 316-324 | 231-236 | 73 | 307-315 | 230-236 | 212-218 | RÀmÒn
goes to GórÀb and becomes exiled from VÒs
|
---|
54 | 324-332 | 236-244 | 74 | 316-324 | 236-243 | 218-224 | RÀmÒn
goes to GórÀb, sees Gul, and falls in love with her
|
---|
55 | 332-337 | 244-248 | 75 | 324-327 | 243-245 | 224-226 | RÀmÒn
marries Gul
|
---|
| | | 76 | 327-328 | 245-246 | 226-227 | Gul takes
offense at RÀmÒn's words
|
---|
56 | 337-342 | 248-258 | 77 | 329-339 | 246-254 | 227-235 | RÀmÒn
writes a letter to VÒs
|
---|
57 | 342-349 | | | | | |
|
---|
58 | 349-353 | 258-261 | 78 | 339-346 | 254-259 | 235-240 | The
nurse goes to RÀmÒn at GórÀb
|
---|
59 | 353-357 | 261-263 | | | | |
|
---|
| | 264 | | | | |
|
---|
60 | 357-363 | 264-269 | 79 | 346-383 | 259-286 | 240-263 | VÒs
writes a letter to RÀmÒn and begs a meeting
|
---|
61 | 363-366 | 269-271 | | 352-354 | 263-265 | 243-245 | First
letter
|
---|
62 | 366-369 | 271-274 | | 355-357 | 265-267 | 245-247 | Second
letter
|
---|
63 | 369-372 | 274-276 | | 358-360 | 268-270 | 247-249 | Third
letter
|
---|
64 | 372-375 | 276-278 | | 361-363 | 270-272 | 249-251 | Fourth
letter
|
---|
65 | 375-378 | 278-281 | | 364-366 | 272-274 | 251-253 | Fifth
letter
|
---|
66 | 378-381 | 281-283 | | 367-369 | 274-276 | 253-255 | Sixth
letter
|
---|
67 | 382-384 | 283-286 | | 370-372 | 276-278 | 255-256 | Seventh
letter
|
---|
68 | 385-387 | 286-288 | | 373-375 | 278-280 | 257-258 | Eighth
letter
|
---|
69 | 387-390 | 288-290 | | 376-378 | 280-282 | 258-260 | Ninth
letter
|
---|
70 | 390-394 | 291-293 | | 379-380 | 283-286 | 260-261 | Tenth
letter
|
---|
71 | 394-397 | 293-296 | 80 | 383-386 | 286-288 | 263-265 | VÒs
sends ›zÒn to RÀmÒn
|
---|
72 | 397-402 | 296-299 | 81 | 386-390 | 288-291 | 265-268 | VÒs
laments her separation from RÀmÒn
|
---|
73 | 402-409 | 299-305 | 82 | 390-397 | 291-296 | 268-272 | RÀmÒn
regrets his marriage with Gul
|
---|
74 | 409-417 | 305-310 | 83 | 397-404 | 296-302 | 273-277 | Gul
learns of RÀmÒn's regretfulness
|
---|
75 | 417-419 | 311-312 | 84 | 404-406 | 302-303 | 278-279 | ›zÒn
comes to RÀmÒn from VÒs
|
---|
76 | 419-422 | 312-315 | 85 | 407-409 | 304-306 | 279-281 | RÀmÒn
sends a fair to VÒs
|
---|
77 | 422-426 | 315-317 | 86 | 410-413 | 306-308 | 281-283 | VÒs
learns of the coming of RÀmÒn
|
---|
78 | 426-429 | 318-320 | 87 | 413-447 | 308-334 | 283-306 | RÀmÒn
comes to VÒs at Marv
|
---|
79 | 429-434 | 320-324 | | 416-421 | 310-314 | 285-289 | RÀmÒn
replies to VÒs
|
---|
80 | 434-438 | 324-329 | | 421-427 | 314-319 | 286-289 | VÒs
replies to RÀmÒn
|
---|
81 | 438-440 | | | | | |
|
---|
82 | 440-442 | 329-331 | | 427-429 | 319-320 | |
|
---|
83 | 443-444 | 331-332 | | 429-431 | 320-322 | |
|
---|
84 | 445-448 | 332-335 | | 431-434 | 322-324 | 296-306 | RÀmÒn
replies to VÒs
|
---|
85 | 448-450 | 335-336 | | 434-436 | 324-325 | |
|
---|
86 | 450-452 | 337-338 | | 436-437 | 325-326 | |
|
---|
87 | 452-453 | 338-339 | | 437-439 | 327-328 | |
|
---|
88 | 453-454 | 339-340 | | 439-440 | 328 | 301 |
|
---|
89 | 455-456 | 340-341 | | 440-441 | 328-329 | |
|
---|
90 | 456-458 | 341-342 | | 441-443 | 329-330 | |
|
---|
91 | 458-459 | 342-343 | | 443-444 | 331-332 | |
|
---|
92 | 459-461 | 343-344 | | 444-445 | 332-333 | |
|
---|
93 | 461-464 | 345-346 | | 445-447 | 333-334 | |
|
---|
| | 346-347 | 88 | 447-449 | 334-335 | 307-308 | VÒs
grows angry, leaves her vantage point, and shuts the doors on RÀmÒn
|
---|
94 | 465-467 | 347-349 | 89 | 449-451 | 335-337 | 308-309 | VÒs
repents of what she has done
|
---|
95 | 467-471 | 349-352 | 90 | 451-464 | 337-347 | 309-318 | VÒs
sends the nurse after RÀmÒn and follows
|
---|
96 | 471-475 | 352-355 | | 455-459 | 340-343 | 312 |
|
---|
97 | 475-477 | 355-357 | | 459-460 | 343-344 | 315 |
|
---|
98 | 477-479 | 357-358 | | 460-462 | 344-345 | 316 |
|
---|
99 | 479-486 | 358-360 | | 462-464 | 345-347 | |
|
---|
100 | 482-486 | 360-363 | 91 | 464-468 | 347-350 | 319-321 | VÒs
turns from RÀmÒn in anger; he follows her
|
---|
101 | 486-489 | 364-366 | 92 | 469-472 | 350-352 | 322-324 | RÀmÒn
makes his appearance before ShÀh Moubad
|
---|
102 | 489-496 | 366-371 | 93 | 472-485 | 352-355 | 324-326 | The
king goes to the chase from the old castle in the season of spring
|
---|
| | 371-374 | 94 | 475-478 | 355-357 | 326-328 | ShÀh
Moubad goes to the chase and takes RÀmÒn with him
|
---|
103 | 496-499 | 374-377 | 95 | 478-482 | 357-360 | 329-331 | VÒs
laments RÀmÒn's departure and appeals to the nurse for remedy
|
---|
104 | 500-507 | 377-379 | 96 | 482-486 | 360-363 | 331-334 | VÒs
writes a letter to RÀmÒn
|
---|
| | 379 | 97 | 486-488 | 363-365 | 334-335 | RÀmÒn
receives the letter of VÒs
|
---|
105 | 597-510 | 379-382 | 98 | 489-494 | 365-369 | 335-339 | RÀmÒn
enters the castle by a stratagem; the death of Zard
|
---|
106 | 510-513 | 382-384 | | | | |
|
---|
107 | 513-515 | 384-386 | 99 | 494-496 | 369-370 | 339-341 | RÀmÒn
carries off Moubad's treasure and flees to DailamÀn
|
---|
108 | 515-516 | 386-387 | 100 | 496-497 | 370-371 | 341 | Moubad
learns that RÀmÒn has absconded with the treasure and VÒs
|
---|
109 | 517-520 | 387-390 | 101 | 497-500 | 371-374 | 342-344 | Moubad
meets his end without battle or bloodshed
|
---|
110 | 520-528 | 390-396 | 102 | 501-506 | 374-378 | 344-348 | RÀmÒn
sits on the royal throne
|
---|
111 | 528-530 | 396-398 | 103 | 506-508 | 378-380 | 348-349 | The
death of VÒs
|
---|
112 | 530-534 | 398-500 | 104 | 509-512 | 380-382 | 349-352 | RÀmÒn
sets his son on the throne and haunts the fire temple to his dying day
|
---|
113 | 534-542 | 500 | 105 | 512-520 | 383-388 | 352-357 | Conclusion |
---|
24.
andar bastan-¨ d¦ya
mar ø¦h-i Moubad-r¦
bar V¨s
1a
Øu d¦ya V¨sÆ-r¦ تn¦n bi-¦r¦st
1b
ke xwarø§d az rux-¨ © nªrÆ m¨-xw¦st
2a
du Øaøm-¨ V¨sÆ az girya nay-¦sªd
2b
tu guft§ har zam¦n-aø dardÆ bi-fzªd
3a
nih¦n az har kas-§ mar d¦ya-r¦ guft
3b
ke baxt-¨ øªr-i man b¦ man bar-¦øuft
4a
dil-am-r¦ s¨rÆ kard az z¨ndag¦n¨
4b
w-az-© bar kandÆ b¨x-¨ ø¦dÆm¦n¨
5a
na-d¦nam ئra-§ juz kuøtan-¨ xw§ø
5b
ba kuøtan rasta gardam z-¨n dil-¨ r§ø
6a
agar tª mar ma-r¦ ئra na-j©y§
6b
w-az-¨n and¨øa j¦n-am-r¦ na-ø©y§
7a
man ¨n ئra ke guftam zªdÆ s¦zam
7b
bad-© kªtah kunam ranj-§ dir¦z-am
8a
kuj¦ har gah ke Moubad-r¦ bi-b§nam
8b
tu g©y§ bar sar-¨ ¦taø naø§nam
9a
Øe marg ¦yad ba p§ø-¨ man Øe Moubad
9b
ke r©z-aø b¦dÆ ham-تn r©z-i man bad
10a
agar-Øe dil ba ¦b-¨ ÷abrÆ øust-ast
10b
hav¦y-¨ dil hanªz az man na-just-ast
11a
ham§ tarsam ke r©z-§ ham bi-j©yad
11b
nihufta r¦z-i dil r©z-§ bi-g©yad
12a
ze p§ø-¨ ¦n ke © j©yad ze man k¦m
12b
tu-r¦ gustardÆ b¦yad dar rah-aø d¦m
13a
ke man yak s¦lÆ na-sp¦ram bad-© tan
13b
bi-parh¨zam ze p¦d-afr¦h-i duøman
14a
na-b¦øad sªk-i Q¦ran kam ze yak s¦l
14b
ma-r¦ yak s¦lÆ b§n¨ ham bad-¨n â¦l
15a
na-d¦rad Moubad-am yak s¦lÆ ¦zarm
15b
kuj¦ ©-r¦ ze man na b¨m u na' øarm
16a
yak-§ neyrangÆ s¦z az h©øÆmand¨
16b
m-agar mard¨øÆ-r¦ bar man bi-band¨
24.
1a
ra ý
iý
aman øeÖ
azma Visi,
2a
üirilisagan ar gamoisvenebdis,
2b
tu stkva, Â
amsa da Â
amsa Å
iri moemaüeboda.
{15. 69-71}
Visisa da ý
iý
isagan
Moabadisa mamacobisa øeÖ
rva
3a
merme Visi saÂ
utro-moÂ
ç
enilman malvit Ö
actagan
ý
iý
asa utxra da
3b
"Øemi bedi mebrý
vis dÝe da Ýame. øeexveÂa:
4a
gaý
Ýa guli Øemi sicocxlisagan
4b
da gamqmara ý
iri Øemisa sixarulisa xisa.
5a
ara vici, tu Øemi Ýone ra-Ýa-a tavisa moÖ
lvisagan Ö
ide,
5b
romel nu-tu-mca siÖ
vdilita daveqsen Øemsa ç
opasa!
6a
aÂ
tu øen Øemsa Ýonesa ar eý
eb
6b
da ama Å
irisagan ar miqsni,
7a
me, vita mitkvams, agre adre tavsa moviÖ
lav,
8a
amit romel, ra Moabads davinaxav,
8b
vita-mca cecxlsa øevsdgebodi.
9a
siÖ
vdilisa danaxva da misi -
sÂ
orad miØns.
9b
Ýmertman Moabadis saÂ
utro asre mÂ
are kmnas, vita
Øemi.
10a
tu-ca þ
eret datmobisa Â
ç
lita guli daubania
10b
da gulis-neba Øemgan ar uý
ebnia,
11a
amis meøinian, romel ver gaý
los
11b
da xvaøiadi damaluli gamoacxados.
12a
aÂ
e vi-re igi Øemgan nebasa eý
ebdes,
12b
øen gzasa zeda maxe dauge.
13a
ese icode, romel me ert Â
lamdis tavsa ar mivscem
13b
da me tvit siÖ
vdilisatvis tav-ganÂ
iruli var.
14a
mamisa Øemisa üÖ
ivili amisagan umcro ar egebis.
14b
munamdi me esre vikmnebi,
15a
ert Â
lamdis Moabad ar damtmobs da ar-ca mimiøvebs,
15b
amit romel mas Øemgan ar-ca rcxvenian da ar-ca eøinian.
16a
aÂ
øemiÂ
ç
ale, øeneburad daiurve,
16b
misi mamacoba øeÖ
ar Øemzeda.
1. My thanks are due to Michael Glnz
(Berne) and Donald Rayfield (London) who read a draft version
of this paper and made valuable proposals as to wording, transcription method and
the like. All remaining shortcomings and errors are mine, of course. [zurck]
2. W¡s o Rÿm¡n. A Romance of Ancient Persia. Translated from
the Pahlawi and rendered into Verse by Fakhr al-d¡n, As'ad al-Astarabÿdi, al-Fakhri,
al Gurgÿni. Edited by Captain W.N. Lees LL.D. and Munshi Ahmad
Ali. Calcutta 1865. = Bibliotheca Indica, vol. 47 / N.S. fasc. 48,49,52,54,76. Reprint
Osnabrck 1982 (here: Lees). [zurck]
3. VÒs va RÀmÒn of Fakhr al-dÒn GorgÀnÒ. Persian critical
text composed from the Persian and Georgian oldest manuscripts by Magali A. Todua
and Alexander A. Gwakharia. Edited by Kamal S. Aini.
Tehran 1970. = Iranian Culture Foundation, 101 (here: TG). - The other scholarly
editions are: Vis and RÀmin. A Romance of Ancient Iran, Originally
Written in Pahlavi and Rendered into Persian Verse by Fakhroddin GorgÀni C. 1054
A.D. Edited .. by MojtabÀ Minovi. First Volume: Text. Tehran
1935 (here: MinowÒ); Faxr ud-dÒn GurgÀnÒ, WÒs u RÀmÒn. BÀ moqaddime-yÒ
mabsóï wa ÐawÀêÒ wa ta%lÒqÀt wa farhang-i wÀúehÀ wa fihristhÀ-yÒ segÀne. Ba ihtimÀm-i
MuÐammad Ga%far MahÍób. TehrÀn 1959 (here: MahÍób).
- The first (partial) translation into a European language was done by K.H. Graf
(WŒs und RƒmŒn. In: ZDMG 23, 1869, 375-433); a complete English translation was
published only recently by George Morrison (Vis and Ramin.
Translated from the Persian of Fakhr ud-dÒn GurgÀnÒ. New York
and London 1972; here: Morr.). [zurck]
4. Visramiani. The Story of the Loves of Vis and Ramin. A
Romance of Ancient Persia. translated from the Georgian Version by Oliver Wardrop.
London 1914. = Oriental Translation Fund, N.S., 23 (here: Ward.).
- The text has twice been translated into German, first by Ruth Neukomm
and Kita Tschenk‚li (Wisramiani oder die Geschichte der Liebe
von Wis und Ramin. šbertragung aus dem Georgischen und Nachwort von Ruth Neukomm
und Kita Tschenk‚li. Zrich 1957) and now again by Nelly Amaschukeli
und Natella Chuzischwili (Wis und Ramin. Roman einer verbotenen
Liebe im alten Persien. Aus dem Georgischen. šbersetzung von Nelly Amaschukeli
und Natella Chuzischwili. Herausgabe, Redaktion und Nachwort
von Elke Erb. Leipzig 1991; here: Leipzig). [zurck]
5. Visramiani. ºeksïi gamosacemad moamzades, gamoÖvleva da
leksiÖoni daurtes Aleksandre Gvaxariam da Magali Toduam.
/ Visramiani. (The Old Georgian Translation of the Persian Poem Vis o Ramin). Text,
Notes and Glossary by A. Gvakharia and M. Todua.
Tbilisi 1962 (here: GT). - The other editions are: Visramiani, edd. Ilia ©avÅavaýe,
A. Saragêvili and P. UmiÖaêvili. ºpilisi
1884; Visramiani. Al. Baramiýis, ´. Ingoroçvas
da ±. ±eÖeliýis redakciit da êesavali Âerilit. LeksiÖoni I(usïine)
Abulaýisa. ºpilisi 1938 (here: BI±); and Visramiani. In: ¨veni
saunþe. ¾veli mÂerloba. (Our treasure. The old literature). Red. Al. Baramiýe.
Tbilisi 1968, pp.17-280. = ¨veni saunþe. Kartuli mÂerloba oc ïomad. (Our treasure.
Georgian literature in 20 vols.). 2 (popular edition; here: Saunþe). [zurck]
6. A Turkic version of the epic which was written by the
16th century writer LƒmŒ shows much less affinity in this respect. (The text has
not yet been edited, but is accessible through a manuscript preserved in the Preuáische
Staatsbibliothek, Berlin). - Magali Todua is just editing the
revised Persian text as accomplished by the 18th century writer NÀmÒ IsfahÀnÒ (cf.
Kutaisis Universiïeïis Moambe / Bulletin of Kutaisi University, vol. 1, 1993, pp.
25-64; vol. 2, 1993, pp. 26-108). [zurck]
7. Gorganis "Vis o Ramin" da kartuli Visramiani (GurganÒ's
"VÒs u RÀmÒn" and the Georgian "Visramiani"). Tbilisi 1977. [zurck]
8. Text passages from the Persian text are here quoted by
chapters and verses, quotations from the Georgian text by chapters, pages, and lines.
Translations are quoted according to pages; that a given translation is quoted,
is indicated by the reference to Ward. and Morr.,
resp. The transcription used for the Persian as presented here is to be regarded
as tentative because final decisions are being aimed at only as results of this
investigation. The Georgian is transliterated in the usual manner. [zurck]
9. Sulxan-Saba Orbeliani, LeksiÖoni
kartuli. ¦igni 1-2. Tbilisi 1966 / Txzulebani otx ïomad, ïomi 4/1-2, Tbilisi 1965-1966. [zurck]
10. Kartuli-rusuli leksiÖoni / Gruzino-russkij slovar',
Sanktpeterburg 1887 / Repr., ed. by A. ¸aniýe, Tbilisi 1984. [zurck]
11. Kartuli enis ganmarïebiti leksiÖoni, red. Arnold ¨ikobava,
1-8, Tbilisi 1950-1964; here vol. 7, 1962. [zurck]
12. To appear in the Gedenkschrift fr Otakar Kl¡ma,
Prague 1994. [zurck]
13. The Georgian word has recently been dealt with by R.
Bielmeier (in: Lingua restituta orientalis. Festgabe fr Julius
Assfalg. Hrsg.v. Regine Schulz und Manfred
G”rg. Wiesbaden 1990, S. 35). [zurck]
14. Incidentally, Georgian kos-i cannot be connected
with Georgian m-gosan-i "minstrel" = Persian
*?**?**?**?**?*
k©s¦n /
*?**?**?**?**?*
g©s¦n (GT 38: 73,20 = TG 49,15) as was proposed by Mzia
AndroniÖaêvili
in her monograph on Iranian-Georgian linguistic contacts (NarÖvevebi iranul-kartuli
enobrivi urtiertobidan / OÄerki po iransko-gruzinskim jazykovym vzaimootnoêenijam.
I. Tbilisi 1966, 308), because of the divergent stops (
k- vs.
g-).
[zurck]
Copyright
Jost Gippert
Frankfurt a/M 1996. No parts of this document may be republished in any form
without prior permission by the copyright holder.